Wednesday, October 30, 2013

VA Governor's race:
Last October update

There are three notable elections held next Tuesday. Barring absolute craziness, Bill DeBlasio will be mayor of New York City and Chris Christie will still be governor of New Jersey. That's a win for a liberal Democrat and a moderate Republican, at least by 2013 standards. The other election thatis closeris for governor of Virginia, pitting an establishment Democrat Terry McAuliffe against a Tea Party conservative Ken Cuccinelli. This race is closer, but still not really that close.
Even Republican pollsters who say it's close still have McAuliffe in the lead. There were no identified partisan pollsters among the five polling companies that put out data in the past few days. Rasmussen was reliably skewed to the right in 2012, but founder Scott Rasmussen has resigned and their polls in 2013 are closer to the median now.

Here are the five companies, the date the poll closed, the lead they have for McAuliffe and the confidence of victory number, rounded to the nearest tenth of a percent.

Washington Post 10/27 12 point lead 100.0% CoV
Roanoke 10/27 15 point lead 100.0% CoV
Hampton 10/27 6 point lead 97.3% CoV
Rasmussen 10/28 7 point lead 99.4% CoV
Quinnipiac 10/28 4 point lead 93.1% CoV

In this set of data, Rasmussen is the median, which is the number I go with. 99.4% sounds like a lock, and given that I have only collected data on less than 200 races, I don't have an instance of some candidate losing when the polls were so much in their favor. My system does not give more weigh to one company and less to another, but it should be noted that Quinnipiac alone picked a winner in the New York City comptroller race, so they are on a roll, at least in a small way. If the race is as close as they say, I will at least have to consider making a special case of mentioning their position every time they take a final poll, but that can wait until Wednesday morning to be decided.

If there are more polls, I'll make another update before Tuesday's election.
 

Monday, October 14, 2013

Final report: New Jersey special election for Senate

The special election to fill the seat of the late Frank Lautenberg will be held this Wednesday, October 16. Why it isn't being held on the same date as the governor's race this November or even being held on a Tuesday as most American election are, only Chris Christie knows.

In any case, I have said almost nothing about this race because no poll has shown it being very close. Cory Booker has a commanding lead over Steve Lonegan in every poll so far. The only dispute is how big the lead is.

Oct 13: Rutgers: sample size 513 Booker ahead 58%-36%(22 points)
Oct 12: Monmouth: sample size 1393 Booker ahead 52%-42% (10 points)
Oct 8: Richard Stockton College: sample size 729 Booker ahead 50%-39%(11 points)
Oct 7: Quinnipiac: sample size 899 Booker ahead 53%-41% (12 points)
Oct 5: Farliegh Dickinson: sample size 702 Booker ahead 45%-29% (16 points)

The story for polling nerds here is the huge discrepancy between the last two polls. My Confidence of Victory system does not try to pick the margin of victory, just the victor. Because the width of the margin is so high in all cases, the polls all agree Lonegan has next to no chance. Here are the odds using Confidence of Victory, stating them as x to 1 favorite, rounded to three significant digits.

Oct 13: Rutgers: Booker is a 16,000,000 to 1 favorite
Oct 12: Monmouth: Booker is a 18,500 to 1 favorite
Oct 8: Richard Stockton College: Booker is a 1,320 to 1 favorite
Oct 7: Quinnipiac: Booker is a 10,900 to 1 favorite
Oct 5: Farliegh Dickinson: Booker is a 4,170,000 to 1 favorite

Can I explain these differences? This may seem strange, but my explanation is these differences really don't matter. Once you get past being more than a 1,000 to 1 favorite, it's over. I have not yet had 1,000 samples, but so far the biggest favorite to lose since 2008 was about 11 to 5, or 2.2 to 1. This was Spitzer vs. Springer in New York City comptroller, a race only one Quinnipiac called for Springer.

There were some very big upsets in the Republican presidential primaries after Herman Cain and Newt Gingrich both failed to be the Not Romney and Rick Santorum went from also-ran to contender, but two person races are pretty easy to call, especially when the numbers are this big.

I'm sure there will be bigger upsets in two candidate races eventually and there may be some I didn't log because it was in a race I skipped over, like the House races or state ballot propositions. But unless voter turnout is crazy low and skewed as hell, Cory Booker will be a Senator very soon.

Wednesday, October 9, 2013

VA governor's race:
First October update


There are races in New Jersey for senator and governor this year, but I haven't reported on them because they haven't looked interesting. Democrat Cory Booker will likely become a senator with a double digit win and Republican Chris Christie appears to be cruising to re-election by a wide margin as well.

The governor's race in Virginia is a little closer, but according to my Confidence of Victory system, only a little. Here's the latest data.



Since late August, polling companies have been taking a major interest in the race between Democrat Terry McAuliffe and Republican Ken Cucinnelli. Every week or so, two or more polls are released, so the data I present here are weekly medians of the Confidence of Victory numbers.

Advantage McAuliffe, if you haven't been paying attention.

Most news outlets that show polling data consider the percentage lead the most important information, but my system is based on the percentage lead of voters who have a preference. This I turn into a Confidence of Victory (CoV) number using very basic statistical methods. In mid August, McAuliffe's CoV numbers were over 98%, but they fell in mid-September to about 85%. Since then, they have climbed back to 96.8%. I haven't collected enough data to say that there really is much difference when someone gets a CoV over 90%. No one with that strong a lead at the end lost in the data I gather since 2004.

Notice the prepositional phrase "at the end". We aren't at the end yet, because the election is a month away. But as it stands currently, Cuccinelli needs something like the miracle Bill De Blasio got when Anthony Weiner went from front-runner to pariah/dick joke. Unless there are pictures of Terry McAuliffe's junk floating undetected around the Internet, Cuccinelli faces very long odds indeed.

More updates when there is more data.


Friday, October 4, 2013

The Correlation Coefficient R and the reduction of range.

 Those who followed my series on climate change might remember that I would take some area I could define as a rectangle in longitude and latitude and track the average temperature by year, comparing equivalent seasons. (To be precise, if a longitude/latitude area include either the North or South Pole, it would be more like a slice of pie than a rectangle.) I then split the time span from 1955 to 2010 into four eras based on the El Niño/La Niña cycles, these in particular each starting and ending in a strong La Niña year.

This particular region and season, Siberia in Spring, has a clearly increasing trend of the median temperature, the dotted red line moving up in four separate steps. The lowest temperature registered only moves upward twice and the maximum average temperature takes a step down in the era of 1999-2010, as the highest temperature was registered back in the 1990s.


Another method would be to add a line of regression, also known as a trendline or predictor line or the line of least squares. Excel has an option which gives the equation of the line and the variance R². R is called the correlation coefficient and it varies between -1 and 1. R² must be between 0 and 1 and is sometimes thought of as a proportion. In this case, the .3655 would be the proportion we would assign to the general increase we see in the temperatures, while the fluctuations are about .6345 of the influence.

This doesn't sound very convincing, but if R² = .3655, R in this case would be +.6046, a value that by nearly every standard of correlation is considered high, though it doesn't meet the Rule of Thumb criteria for very high, which would be over .8.

This is one of the many reasons I don't love using the predictor line and the correlation coefficient. The statements of confidence seem arbitrary - I know of three different systems and they disagree radically on whether an R score is strong or not - but also there is a way to cherry pick data in both directions, either to show more correlation or less.
 

Generally though not always, taking a subset of a sample by restricting the range will result in R and R² being reduced. For example, if we look at the first Consistent Oceanic Niña Interval from 1955 to 1975, we see somewhat less overall increase (here we check the number multiplying x, which went from .0417 to .0346) and a drastic drop in R² from .3655 to .05097. Here I can say without fear of contradiction that the correlation is not impressive.


In our second interval, R² is stronger at .19237, but still well below the larger set's value of .3655. It could be considered moderately strong by some measures, but notice that here the trend shows the region cooling. (It really is coincidence that the first year of this era shows a large jump in temperature over the previous.)


Here again we see a downward sloping trendline and an extremely weak R² value of .01592, which is to say nearly no correlation.


Yet again, a small downward slope and a low R² value.

In my view, the problem is cherry picking in both directions. People who wish to downplay or deny warming temperatures can take smaller samples, but when they do, the R² value will often give little confidence in the trend they try to show. On the other hand, people wanting to show strong evidence of warming have a natural advantage of generally higher R² scores in larger data sets. To be fair, in this particular set it is impossible to create a subset longer than thirty years that doesn't show a warming trend, though it can be minimized and so can the correlation coefficient.

If anyone is coming to the blog for the first time, you should know that I am not a denier of the general warming trend in temperatures around the globe in my lifetime, which started in the Strong La Niña year of 1955. What I hope for is a discussion where both sides can agree on terms and methods and avoid cherry picking at all costs. I realize this hope may very well be in vain, and yet I hold on to it.

Monday, September 23, 2013

VA governor's race:
Late September update


In Virginia, a state Barack Obama won by 4% in 2012 and 6% in 2008, the statewide races feature Tea Party favorites running on the Republican ticket. In the governor's race, both the Democrat Terry McAuliffe and the Republican Ken Cuccinelli have large negative ratings, but the basic math of the electorate says one thing clearly.

The Republicans are the minority party in the land. They've lost two presidential elections in a row, they don't hold the Senate and got less votes across the country in last congressional election, holding onto the majority in large part due to gerrymandering.
  

For all that, the needle is moving slightly for Cuccinelli if we give all polls the same weighting. Here are the Confidence of Victory numbers for recent polls, given by company name and date of poll. All give McAuliffe the advantage.

Washington Post 9/22 89.1%
Marist 9/19 90.3%
Harper[R] 9/16 94.2%
Roanoke 9/15 63.5%
Quinnipiac 9/15 84.9%

The good news for Cuccinelli: McAuliffe isn't cruising above 95% anymore and Quinnipiac, still crowing over calling the NYC comptroller race all by themselves with their new likely voter model, says the race is getting close, but still isn't really close.

The bad news for Cuccinelli: You see those two big dives downward in the graph, the one in May and the second in July?  The first was a Washington Post poll and the second was a Roanoke poll. The only polls that have had Cuccinelli ahead now have him behind.

The other bad news for Cuccinelli: My system may say 85% Confidence of Victory, but the track record so far says almost no underdog wins unless the Confidence of Victory splits about 60%-40%. The biggest upset against my system since 2008 was Stringer beating Spitzer for NYC Comptroller when Spitzer had 68.9% Confidence of Victory, the election when only Quinnipiac got the numbers right. (They have crowed loudly about that, but they had De Blasio cruising over 40% of decided voters and he only just beat that margin.)

The election is still about seven weeks off, which means my system is not built to make a prediction, but the small gains Cuccinelli has made are not what he needs. Romney was in a similar situation and saw some small gains after Obama's poor showing in the first primary, but those faded quickly enough. Cuccinelli needs something bigger than we've seen so far to close the gap, and appealing to the Republican "base", such as it is, is a step in the wrong direction right now.

More updates when I get more data.

Saturday, September 14, 2013

Virginia Gubernatorial Race:
McAuliffe (D) vs. Cuccinelli (R)

There was a recent article in The Washington Post by Ben Shapiro discussing the Virginia gubernatorial race. Several pundits were asked their opinion of the race. They quote one poll - Quinnipiac from last month showing a six point McAuliffe lead - and several pundits saying it leans towards McAuliffe or, in the words of often quoted Charlie Cook, it's a 50-50 race.

Not one poll aggregator is asked how it's going.

I could say that pundits are a lower life form. I could call them some scatological name or some rude word that describes a male or female sex organ.

But seriously, if you didn't get the memo from 2012, there is no lower life form than pundit. Pond scum should write strongly worded letters to the editor whenever they are compared to pundits.
 

Here's what the polls have said with remarkable consistency since early May. McAuliffe has a very big lead.  A Washington Post poll said Cucinelli had a lead on May 2, but since a week after that on May 9, only a mid-July Roanoke poll gave him the lead. Within days of that report, PPP and Quinnipiac both gave McAuliffe a substantial lead.

For those who have prejudices against some polls as being "liberal leaning", consider Rasmussen polls, who erred substantially towards Romney in the 2012 election cycle. In early June, they read a 3% lead for McAuliffe. In early September, they said it was a 7% lead for the Democrat. In my Confidence of Victory system, that 7% lead means McAuliffe's is about 140 to 1 favorite to win if the election were held when the poll was taken.

And now for my personal provisos. Nate Silver thinks he can give a percentage for what that number means today given the election happens November 5.

I make no such claims and I never will.

Here's the situation. Right now, it looks like a gimme for McAuliffe, but there are seven and a half weeks to go. What no one can predict, neither the hard working aggregators or the lazy arrogant overpaid and over-quoted pundits, is what will move the needle in that period. As of right now, what Cuccinelli is an outright stunner, something along the lines of Anthony Weiner's penis pics or Mitt Romney's comments about the lazy scum-sucking 47% of the population.

Heck, maybe he can even get McAuliffe to admit he doesn't like the Soggy Bottom Boys. But anything less than that and he has a concession speech to write, the sooner the better.

More reports when there is more information.

Wednesday, September 11, 2013

Results from the Democratic mayoral race in New York City.


Almost all the ballots have been counted in the New York City municipal elections held yesterday. My last post here was on Sunday, but there was a late poll from Public Policy Polling that changed my numbers. After working on how I was going to consider the "median result" from a set of four polls in a three person race where there was a 40% threshold, my last prediction on Monday evening was posted to Twitter.

Final call on NYC Dem Mayor's race, different from  
55% De Blasio 1st ballot 
30% De Blasio/Thompson 
15% De Blasio/Quinn

Professor Wang's last prediction was a 90% probability of De Blasio on the first ballot.

The current vote count has Bill De Blasio at 40.3% and his closest rival Bill Thompson at 26.2%. Because his margin over the 40% threshold is so slim, we will have to wait for absentee ballots and an automatic recount for a result this close. The reported estimate is next Monday for a conclusive result.

Here on the blog, I made no mention of the comptroller's race, but I did mention it on Twitter in a two part tweet.

NYC mayoral primary today. and I agree that De Blasio first ballot win is most likely as is Spitzer for Comptroller. [1/2]

If Spitzer loses the Comptroller race, full credit should go , the only organization to favor his rival Stringer. [2/2]


There were several polls of this race as you can see at this link to the Real Clear Politics polling page. There was nothing that made this look like a close race until late August, with Eliot Spitzer's hopes for a political comeback looking very strong while Manhattan borough president Scott Stringer seemed unable to make any headway. But then Quinnipiac had a poll that said the race was tied, then another Quinnipiac poll had a small of 2% for Stringer on September 1, then a commanding 7% lead a week later.

The actual result was Stringer by 4%, 52% to 48%.

The reason my system - and Professor Wang's - favored Spitzer was that no other pollster agreed with Quinnipiac, not even once. After the first Quinnipiac poll that showed a close race, Siena, Marist and PPP all released polls, all of them favoring Spitzer.

So my system failed to predict this race. Often, when I get a race wrong, I try to find ways to adjust things to improve, but if I was given a similar situation tomorrow, I wouldn't change a thing. Here are my reasons.

1. I never weigh in more than a single poll from any polling company and always the most recent.

2. Because Quinnipiac only gets one result counted, they had one poll out of three in the final mix, along with PPP and Siena.

3. In a three poll situation, I take the median result, not the average of the three. Quinnipiac was the outlier, but outliers aren't often the closest to correct. Obviously, it will happen sometimes, but it is rare enough that I do not want to second guess myself in a situation like this. Polls miss the mark, sometimes by making bad assumptions, sometimes just by the fact that randomness is involved. For example, of the three polls Quinnipiac had the largest sample size, but that does not always (or even often) mean the most accurate. Looking at the mayoral polling and factoring out the undecided, Quinnipiac had De Blasio at 46% of the people who had a preference, while PPP had him at 42% and Siena had him at 39%. In this case, it's the low outlier that was closest.

So this means at least one more report on the mayor's race. It is widely agreed that the Republican primary winner Joe Llota will be very hard pressed to win in the general election. De Blasio got 260,000 votes in the Democratic primary, Llota finished first with over 50% in the Republican primary with about 30,000, which would have given him sixth place in the Democratic race.

And while I did not use their poll, I want to congratulate Quinnipiac for being alone with the correct result in the comptroller's race. It is a field filled with randomness, but they had Stringer with a chance or the lead three separate times in barely two weeks when no one else did. That's a record they can point to with pride.